The G9 Family and Allies (G9 Fanmi e Alye – G9) is a criminal federation of nine gangs in Haiti’s capital of Port-au-Prince. Founded in June 2020 by former police officer turned gang leader Jimmy Chérizier, alias “Barbecue,” the coalition allows member gangs to expand their territory and offers politicians a weapon to suppress their opposition. 

The G9’s main revenue stream is extortion, an economy that takes several forms. The federation charges “protection payments” on local businesses, street vendor stands, and public transportation drivers, while also overseeing kidnapping for ransom of civilians. The G9 has even taken complete control of public services such as electricity and water provision in exchange for payment. 

Barbecue and the G9 have been linked to assassinated Haitian President Jovenel Moïse and his Haitian Tèt Kale Party (Parti Haïtien Tèt Kale – PHTK), for whom the federation is alleged to have ensured votes and quelled social unrest in gang-controlled neighborhoods. 

History

The G9 arose out of a relationship between Barbecue, a police officer notorious for extrajudicial massacres, and then-President Moïse. After being fired from the police force, Barbecue and his Delmas 6 gang allegedly continued to receive money, weapons, police uniforms, and government vehicles from the Moïse administration.

At the time, Haitians were demanding Moïse’s resignation through mass protests. The country’s dire economic crisis, rampant corruption, gasoline shortages, and rising violence made Moïse widely unpopular.

So when Barbecue announced the formation of the G9 alliance, it appeared aimed at propping up Moïse, following a tradition of Haitian political figures using gangs to repress their opponents and maintain social order in poor neighborhoods.

Barbecue promised the coalition would restore peace in Port-au-Prince. But kidnappings soared and internal clashes within the G9 federation led to further bouts of violence.

In a landmark moment for the G9 and Haiti as a whole, in July 2021, a squad of hitmen with military training assassinated Moïse in his private residence. The G9 had already somewhat distanced itself from Moïse, with Barbecue filming a video in June calling for a revolution against political and economic elites, including Moïse’s party.

The loss of its main political sponsor, however, did not appear to have much impact on the G9. Instead, Barbecue and G9-affiliated gangs took advantage of the widespread instability in the aftermath of Moïse’s death to expand their territory and assert control over key infrastructure, such as Haiti’s largest oil terminal, Terminal Varreux

The group continues to clash with its main rival, G-Pèp, on multiple fronts around Port-au-Prince, contributing to what has become one of the world’s most urgent humanitarian crises. The death of co-founder Isca Andrice, alias “Iska,” in November 2023 represents a major loss for the G9, with Iska possibly holding as much sway as Barbecue in the alliance.

Leadership

The G9 itself includes Barbecue and his Delmas 6 gang; James Alexander, alias “Sonson,” of the Baz Krache Dife gang; Ezeckiel Alexandre, alias “Ze,” of the Baz Pilate gang (now incarcerated); Christ Roy Chery, alias “Krisla,” of the Nan Ti Bwa gang; Albert Stevenson, alias “Djouma,” of the Simon Pelé gang (now incarcerated); Micanor Altès, alias “King Mikanò,” of the Waf Jérémie gang; and Matias Saintil of the Nan Boston gang. 

Serge Alectis, alias “Ti Junior,” of the Baz Nan Chabon gang and Iska are two G9 leaders who died in 2022 and 2023 respectively, while alias “Tyson,” another G9 leader, was allegedly executed in September 2023 for not following the federation’s instructions.

Geography

The G9 is heavily concentrated in Haiti’s capital: Port-au-Prince. Different member gangs control different neighborhoods, with members granted varying degrees of access to each other’s territory. 

While the ever-changing nature of Haiti’s gang conflict makes it difficult to track the true reach of the G9, they have traditionally had strongholds in the Delmas and Cité Soleil districts of central Port-au-Prince.

The Waf Jérémie neighborhood in Cité Soleil has become an important base for the group in recent years, according to a 2020 Rezo Nòdwès report. Other key neighborhoods for the G9 include Belekou in Cité Soleil, where Iska was based, and Barbecue’s homebase of Delmas 6 in Delmas. 

Allies and Enemies

The G9 have critical allies and dangerous enemies among Haiti’s plethora of gangs.

Eleven other criminal organizations in Port-au-Prince maintain friendly relations with the G9 and even provide support when necessary, according to a 2020 report by the Haitian National Human Rights Defense Network (Réseau National de Défense des Droits Humains) The relationship between the G9 and these eleven other organizations is often referred to as the “G20.”

Connections to police officers and government officials within the Moïse administration have also been critical for the federation, allowing gangs virtual immunity from law enforcement authorities. Even after Moïse’s assassination, many of these individual ties are likely to remain in place.

The G9’s main rival is G-Pèp, a federation of gangs formed by Gabriel Jean-Pierre, alias “Ti Gabriel,” to combat the influence of the G9. G-Pèp frequently clashes with G9 for control of key territory in Port-au-Prince, and they seemingly stepped up attacks on G9 after the death of Iska in November 2023, perhaps as an attempt to take advantage of the power vacuum left by his death. 

G-Pèp affiliate gangs such as Kraze Barye, led by Vitel’Homme Innocent, and 5 Segond, led by Johnson André, alias “Izo,” have recently gained strength and are displaying increasing levels of cooperation with G-Pèp, a September United Nations report found.

While G-Pèp is the G9’s biggest threat, the G9 can even be its own enemy. Made up of different gangs with different goals, it is no surprise that some groups that are now working together were once formidable enemies and vice versa. These long-held rivalries occasionally resurface and lead to infighting. In a prime example of this, Iska’s successor as leader of the Belekou gang, “Black Alex Mana,” was shot dead in November 2023, only days after Iska’s death. Local media sources reported he was killed by another Belekou member.

Prospects

The long-standing impunity the G9 enjoyed made it a powerful criminal actor, equipped with serious weaponry and a militarized organizational structure. The federation likely still uses its government contacts to obtain small arms and ammunition, keeping it better equipped than the police. 

Despite the loss of their political patron, the federation has retained its power, thriving off the instability produced by Moïse’s assassination and threatening armed resistance against acting Prime Minister Ariel Henry’s government. Blockades of Terminal Varreux showed the G9’s ability to bring Haiti to a standstill while exposing the government’s inability to combat their influence.

Their dominance, however, is at risk. G-Pèp affiliated gangs such as Kraze Barye and 5 Segond have gained power in Port-au-Prince. The death of Iska also takes out perhaps the group’s most important military leader. Without Iska the federation will struggle to combat continuing G-Pèp offensives in G9 neighborhoods, possibly resulting in a shift in the balance of power in Port-au-Prince towards G-Pèp.